Protestant Schools

Author: Vahram L. Shemmassian, 06/03/25 (Last modified 06/03/25)

In 1856, a preacher from Urfa, Aleppo province, named Harutiun (Harootiun) Jerahian established “a small [Protestant] school” in Bitias. [1] It was perhaps the earliest educational institution in Musa Dagh. In October 1857, Garabed Seklemian, a Bitias native, taught there for eight months at the age of eighteen. [2] Three years later this “regular” school [3] consisted of 31 boys and 15 girls, for a total of 46 learners. Some 17 adult males and 2 adult females also received education. [4] In 1862 and 1863, the number of pupils was put at 45 (33 boys, 12 girls) plus 25 adult learners and 34 (22 boys, 12 girls) plus 6 adult learners, respectively. [5] For an unspecified reason – but perhaps having to do with the opening of an Apostolic school in the village – the number of pupils during 1866 and 1867 dropped sharply, to 14, [6] only to regain in strength a year later at 65 (35 boys, 30 girls). [7] As for the budget, the missionaries allocated $10 in 1861, $40 in 1862, and about $26 (600 Ottoman piasters) in 1869. [8]

While it seems that there was no manifest opposition to female education in Bitias, people were not yet ready to accept women as instructors in their midst. In 1872, for example, despite the availability of “a worthy and capable” teacher among the girls at the Aintab Boarding School, a missionary regretted that “the prejudice against female teachers in that village [Bitias] is such … that with all my arguments I could not persuade the brethren there to accept this teacher. The utmost they would consent to was that if we would spend the summer in the village and open a room in our house for the school, they would send their small children to her.” [9] At the same time it was very difficult to recruit male pedagogues unless incumbent pastors assumed the dual role of preacher-teacher. [10] A case in point was Haji Apraham Nigoghosian, about whom Apraham G. Seklemian wrote in his memoirs:

“He was originally a business man from Aintab who had gone bankrupt. In order to earn a living he asked the missionaries to assign him to preach somewhere. So they sent him to Bitias. His education was only elementary; he had no special preparation for teaching or preaching. However he was an enthusiastic, hard-working person; he did have some idea how a school should be run. He had experienced school life. There was one serious deficiency however. Being purely Aintabtzi [a native of Aintab], he knew no Armenian whatever. Turkish was his only language; and even that was rather crude and provincial. He would often confuse rather that [sic] help his pupils”. [11]

Discipline was strict (in all schools), physical punishment being the norm with parental consent. Seklemian recalled his school days from the late 1860s to 1877:

“One of the teachers … would line us up almost every morning, and using a pomegranite [sic] whip, would give each of us a smarting blow or two in the palms of our hands. Other times he would make us lie down with our feet tied together (falaka), and again with a whip would procede [sic] to lash the soles of our feet unmercifully. It was heartbreaking at times to see the poor youngsters under the cruel chastisement as they cried and begged for mercy. Some were in such pain after the chastisement they couldn’t stand on their feet. I have seen small tots with the tender soles of their feet bleeding, so severe was the lashing. I remember well this teacher had a string of beads he would keep fingering. He would demand that the pupils should not look up from their books whatever occurred. Then he would toss the string of beads up and catch it as it fell. Almost everyone in the class would look up to watch the teacher’s game. Then the punishment would start; and with what cruelty. Although I was a mere child, I could not understand what connection there could possibly be between such chastisement and education or learning to read… People did not seem to be greatly concerned about this extreme in chastisement. They considered this to be one of the most important duties of the teacher. I have heard parents as they bring their children to school, tell the teacher not to spare the rod as their children may well be trained. “The flesh is yours, the bones ours”, they say”. [12]

The curriculum in Bitias in 1876 consisted of “learning to read and write, studying the Bible, Arith[metic], and Geog[raphy],” not to mention the fact that pupils “must be present at the devotional exercises of the school and attend the weekly evening meeting etc.” [13] By 1884 the program was expanded to include “good instruction in Reading, Writing, Spelling, Grammar, Geography, Arithmetic, Turkish in Arabic characters, and writing the same, Physiology and Armenian. This is all the masses need, and yet not a few are clamoring for higher studies, if we [missionaries] will pay the bills which, of course, is impossible.” [14] Administering those subjects proved difficult given the learning environment. In 1887, for instance, “the order [at the school] … was not very good, but it is a question whether real good order is possible when the children sit on the floor.” [15] Similarly, during the 1892-93 scholastic year discipline was still “unsatisfactory, owing to irregular attendance and the persistent abrogation of class recitations.” [16]

At the turn of the century Protestant education in Bitias proceeded along inconsistently. While the teacher and preacher during 1901-02 generated much enthusiasm toward learning, that excitement had disappeared by the following year. [17] “Did the people of Bitias shew half the energy in educational and spiritual matters, that they do in perfecting their silk industry – remarked a missionary – they would be one of the very best and most developed churches in our entire field.” [18] Furthermore, despite an “unusually successful” school year in 1905-06, [19] and although Bitias “is much more enterprising than Yoghun Oluk in the matter of education … the whole mountain is slow in appreciating the value of all-round training for their children.” [20] And speaking of the teacher employed in 1908-09, she “is efficient in discipline, but like nearly all the other teachers in these schools, she does not understand the meaning of the word, ‘to teach’.” [21]

Although a Protestant school existed in Yoghun Oluk as early as 1871 with 8 boys and 2 girls, [22] it nevertheless started in earnest in 1880 as “a great agency in securing a foothold among the [Apostolic] Armenians.” [23] Initially, however, the work suffered significantly due to the lack of a proper building. [24] A special appropriation would be most beneficial as “there is no place in our Aintab field, where you could spend 25 Turkish pounds more advantageously,” [25] which sum hardly equaled the cost of the Aintab seminary classroom floor. [26] By November 1880 a new facility was ready for usage under an energetic committee. [27] After a successful year the mistress, Anna Sherbetjian, wedded a man from Bitias and moved away, leaving the school at Yoghun Oluk without a qualified replacement until 1883. [28] Things must have improved thereafter, for in 1887 two schools, one for boys and one for girls, operated to serve Kheder Beg’s needs concurrently. Two outsiders, Mardiros of Egin and Ekmekji Yister, taught a total of 61 pupils, who were “rather small, the struggle for bread compelling their parents to set them to work earlier than they otherwise would.” [29] Perhaps for this reason the boys’ section was closed in 1888. [30]

For most of the following quarter-century educational life in Yoghun Oluk spiraled downward. During the 1890s new teachers were hired practically every year to teach children under four years of age Turkish in Arabic script. [31] The number of pupils dwindled during the 1900s as teachers were unable to generate genuine interest in learning. As hinted above, the underlying cause was economic. Parents were reluctant to commit their children to schooling simply because their services were needed in the trades and or house chores. In the case of males, “the people want to put their boys into the comb trade when they are about ten years old, and are not willing to make the sacrifice necessary for allowing them to go to school.” [32] In the case of females, “the people care very little about educating their children, especially the girls. They complain that the girls who have been to school do not spend their lives in carrying wood and water and so are of no value to the village.” [33]

In order to cope with this economic factor, a preacher tried to hold evening classes for kids who worked during the day, but the project “failed for lack of interest.” [34] Using another strategy, a female teacher formed an association for women and girls, who gathered after every Sunday School to improve their reading skills and to acquire a small library of their own. [35] Things looked somewhat better around 1911-12, when Pastor Samuel Ingilizian and his wife inaugurated “a new school assessment scheme which work[ed] very successfully and by which the people paid up their share of tuition promptly and although many Gregorians [Apostolic Armenians] left at first, most of them yielded to the inevitable in a few weeks and returned.” [36]

The first Protestant school in Haji Habibli opened its doors in 1861. [37] The number of students increased from 15 to 35 within a year, which range remained rather constant through the 1870s. [38] During those two decades the missionaries were determined to keep this and similar institutions open regardless of the cost; poverty-stricken places should not be denied education. [39] This policy of unequivocal support was eventually reconsidered and found financially untenable. Accordingly, “the Mission was very explicitly instructed that its … churches and schools must, in some way, be made to accommodate contiguous villages. That great care must be exercised in opening or keeping open new localities near old ones, that might necessitate additional [expenses].” [40]

Haji Habibli fit this category of small Protestant communities. By the early 1880s the school size had decreased to 12 pupils, and although another 6 attended evening classes, “so small a school would not warrant this outlay were it not that the teacher is employed in preaching, and in work among [Apostolic] Armenians.” [41] A more practical solution would be to employ a qualified teacher to teach five months in Haji Habibli and five months in Bitias. [42] After “much pains,” Haji Habibli in about 1884 accepted the idea of a joint teacher. [43] The experiment did not last long, because in 1889-90 the mission “had, in some way fallen again into opening” a separate school and resuming religious services at Haji Habibli for an annual cost of 4,500 kurush/piasters. [44] But the mistake, as the responsible missionary acknowledged, was not repeated thereafter despite the Protestants’ ultimatum that they would return to the Apostolic fold unless their demands for a distinct school were met. [45]

The missionary involved in Haji Habibli affairs did not reconsider his decision, because a return to the Apostolic Church “would require no special dislocation of habit or manners on their [Protestants’] part.” [46] It was also frustrating to see missionary efforts benefiting Apostolic rather than Protestant children. During the 1890-91 and 1891-92 scholastic years, for instance, 22 out of 27 pupils and 27 out of 32 pupils were Apostolic Armenians, respectively. [47] Therefore, “the day has passed when the Mission can maintain schools for the education of [Apostolic] Armenian children.” [48]

Because Protestantism did not take a firm hold in Kabusiye, education suffered accordingly.  A school functioned there in two instances, one in 1861 with 15-20 pupils, [49] and another in October 1880, which was closed shortly thereafter because of the teacher’s illness. [50] To be sure, the natives expressed “a great desire” for learning, but the missionaries declined to open schools in feeble communities unless they generated their own budget. [51] Despite this condition, a few girls from Kabusiye were sent to Kesab to receive education with missionary financial support. [52] One such young woman returned to her native village after graduating to teach an all-Apostolic group of “forty big girls.” [53]

Kheder Beg, like Haji Habibli and Kabusiye, was treated as a satellite community; any church or school there ought to operate in tandem with Yoghun Oluk. Exceptionally, there existed in 1878 in Kheder Beg a separate Protestant school of about 20 pupils. [54] During the early 1880s a group of 9 boys and youths took reading lessons every evening at a Protestant’s house. [55] As many as 50 children could constitute a school, but “to meet this demand in some degree and yet avoid the danger of a separate community I [missionary Lucien H. Adams] recommend that the appropriation for the school at Yoghoonolook be increased so as to employ a good male teacher with the understanding that he teach an evening school three evenings every week at Khuder Bey and hold one religious meeting a fourth evening provided the people there will send at least fifteen scholars daily to the school at Yoghoonolook.” [56] A good teacher, preferably male, “would probably bring many to the truth,” [57] or “would doubtless draw in a large outside element.” [58] Indeed, a preacher and a teacher “are the only two things necessary to complete the increase” of Protestants in Kheder Beg. [59] These remained wishful thoughts.

Sources: ABCFM, ABC: Letters and Papers addressed to the Board, vol. 287, Mission to Central Turkey, Supplementary Tabular View South Armenia Mission, 1860, No. I, 1862, No. II 1863, No. II 1865, No. II 1866, No. II 1867, No. II 1868, No. II 1869, No. II 1870, No. II 1871; 16.9.5, vol. 6, Lucien Adams to N.G. Clark, Statistics of Estimates for Aintab Station, C.T. Mission. November 5, 1884; section 22, 1888; section 93, Tabular View of School in the Aintab Field, April 1881; section 98, Aintab Station, Report of Schools and Bible Readers, received June 10, 1882; vol. 8, Myra A. Proctor to N.G. Clark, Monthly Wages of Teachers in Antioch Field, September 16, 1881; vol. 11 sections 19, 24, 34, 37, 40, 46, 49, and 55; Annual Tabular Views for the Years Ending December 31, 1890, 1891, 1893, 1895, 1896, 1897, and 1899, Aintab Station; section 28, Statistics of Estimates, Aintab Station, CTM, July 28, 1892; vol. 15, sections 113, 118, 122, 126, 131, 136, 139, 141, 146, and 150; Tables of Statistics for the Years Ending December 31, 1900, 1901, 1902, 1903, 1904, 1905, 1906, 1907,  and 1909, Aintab Station, Central Turkey Mission.

Despite the myriad difficulties including financial constraints, some positive aspects to Protestant education in Musa Dagh existed. The average number of pupils increased from 81 in the 1880s to 102 in the 1890s to 117 in the 1900s. Although the attendance of girls inexplicably dropped from 37 percent in the 1890s to 31 percent in the 1900s, they still constituted about one-third of the total student population. Moreover, the average number of pupils per instructor decreased from 45 in the 1890s to 39 in the 1900s, a fact which must have improved somewhat the quality of education. Equally important, 69 percent of teachers was female, some of whom native. Last but not least, the Protestant community was the first to introduce coeducational schools in pre-World War I Musa Dagh.

• [1] The Missionary Herald (Boston) LII: 7 (July, 1856): 209; LII: 9 (September, 1856): 271.  For Jerahian being the founder of the school, consult Leigh Seklemian, private papers, Concord, CA, “Memoirs of Apraham G. Seklemian,” p. 2.  
• [2] Seklemian, private papers, “Memoirs of Apraham G. Seklemian,” p. 2. Apraham was Garabed’s son. In 1862, “Seklem Garabed” was again mentioned as teacher. See ABCFM, ABC: 16.9.5, Letters and Papers addressed to the Board, vol. 287, Mission to Central Turkey, Annual Tabular View, No. I, Names of Pastors, Licensed Preachers, and Other Helpers, 1862.
• [3] The Missionary Herald, LVI: 9 (September, 1860): 266.
• [4] ABCFM, ABC: 16.9.5, Letters and Papers addressed to the Board, vol. 287, Mission to Central Turkey, Supplementary Tabular View South Armenian Mission, 1860.
• [5] Ibid., Annual Tabular View, No. II, for the Year 1862; Annual Tabular View, No. I, for the Year 1863. 
• [6] Ibid., Annual Tabular View, No. II, for the Year 1866; Annual Tabular View, No. II, for the Year 1867.
• [7] Ibid., Annual Tabular View, No. II, for the Year 1868.
• [8] Ibid., Estimates of the Southern Armenian Mission for 1861; Estimates of the Mission to Central Turkey for 1862; Report of Estimates for Central Turkey Mission for the Year 1869. 
• [9] ABCFM, ABC: 16.9.5, vol. 4, P.O. Powers to N.G. Clark, March 19, 1872.
• [10] See, for example, The Missionary Herald LIX: 7 (July, 1863): 217; ABCFM, ABC 16.9.5, vol. 4, Corinna Shattuck to Clark, October 17, 1876. 
• [11] Seklemian, private papers, “Memoirs of Apraham G. Seklemian,” p. 8.
• [12] Ibid., pp. 6-7.
• [13] ABCFM, ABC: 16.9.5, vol. 4, Shattuck to Clark, October 17, 1876.
• [14] Ibid., vol. 6, L.H. Adams to Clark, October 17, 1876.
• [15] Ibid., Sanders, Report of Aintab Station for Year Ending May 25, 1887. 
• [16] Ibid., vol. 10, Adams, Report of the Antioch Field, 12 Mos [sic], June, 1893. 
• [17] ABCFM, ABC: 16.9.5, vol. 16, Sanders, Annual Report—Aintab Station, July 1901-June 1902; idem, General Report of Aintab Station, July 1902-June 1903; idem, vol. 20, Sanders to Judson Smith, September 23, 1902, March 11, 1903.
• [18] Ibid., vol. 16, Sanders, General Report of Aintab Station, July 1, 1902-June 30, 1903. 
• [19] Ibid., Sanders, Report of Aintab Station, C.T.M., July 1905-April 15, 1906.
• [20] Ibid., vol. 19, John Merrill to  Bell, May 21, 1906. 
• [21] Ibid., ABC: 16.9.6, vol. 1, Isabel M. Blake, Report of Educational Work in Aintab Station, 1908-1909.
• [22] Ibid., Annual Tabular View, No. II, for the Year 1871.
• [23] Ibid., ABC: 16.9.5, vol. 3, Adams to Clark, February 27, 1880.
• [24] Ibid.
• [25] Ibid.
• [26] Ibid., April 6, 1880.
• [27] Ibid., vol. 6, Adams, Report of the Antioch Field, April 2, 1881; idem, Report of Woman’s Work, Aintab Station, for the Year Ending April 1, 1881.
• [28] Ibid., Myra A. Proctor, Report of Schools and Bible Readers in the Aintab Station for the Year Ending April 11, 1882.
• [29] Ibid., Sanders, Report of Aintab Station for the Year Ending May 25, 1887.
• [30] Ibid., Sanders, Report of Aintab Station, C.T.M., for Ten and One Half Months Ending April 16, 1888.
• [31] Ibid., vol. 10, Adams, Reports of the Antioch Field, 1890-1891, 1891-1892, for 12 Mos, June 1893, July 1893-June 1894; idem., vol. 11, Adams to Smith, May 24, 1890.
• [32] Ibid., vol. 16, John Merrill, Report of Aintab Station for the Year 1906-1907.  See also idem, Sanders, General Reports of Aintab Station, July 1902-June 30, 1903, July 1903-June 1904, July 1904-June 1905, July 1905-April 15, 1906.
• [33] Ibid., Isabel J. Merrill, Report of Women’s Work in Aintab Station (Oorfa and Kessab Not Being Included), 1906-1907.
• [34] Ibid., John Merrill, Report of Aintab Station for the Year 1906-1907.
• [35] Ibid., ABC: 16.9.6, vol. 1, Blake, Report of Educational Work in Aintab Station, 1908-1909.
• [36] Ibid., Lucille Foreman, Woman’s Work in Aintab Station, 1911-1912.
• [37] The Missionary Herald, LVII: 9 (September, 1861): 279.
• [38] Ibid.; ABCFM, ABC: 16.9.5, vol. 4, Shattuck to Clark, August 14, 1878; Khrlopian, Vosgemadian, I, p. 346.
• [39] ABCFM, ABC: 16.9.5, vol. 4, Shattuck to Clark, August 14, 1878.
• [40] Ibid., vol. 10, Adams, Report of Antioch Field, 1891-1892.
• [41] Ibid., vol. 6, Proctor, Report of Schools and Bible Readers in Aintab Station for the Year Ending April 1, 1882.
• [42] Ibid., Adams, Report of Antioch Field, 1881-1882.
• [43] Ibid., vol. 10, Adams, Report of Antioch Field, 1891-1892.
• [44] Ibid.
• [45] Ibid.; idem, Adams, Report of the Antioch Field, 12 Mos, June, 1893.
• [46] Ibid., Adams, Report of the Antioch Field, 12 Mos., June, 1893.
• [47] Ibid., Adams, Reports of the Antioch Field, 1890-1891, 1891-1892.
• [48] Ibid., Report of 1890-1891.
• [49] The Missionary Herald LVII: 9 (September, 1861): 279. 
• [50] ABCFM, ABC: 16.9.5, vol. 6, Proctor, Report of Woman’s Work, Aintab Station, for the Year Ending April 1, 1881.
• [51] Ibid., Proctor, Report of Schools and Bible Readers in the Aintab Station for the Year Ending April 1, 1882.  See also Chapter 3.
• [52] Ibid.
• [53] Ibid., vol. 16, Isabelle J. Merrill, Report of Woman’s Work in Aintab Station (Oorfa and Kessab Not Being Included), 1906-1907.  See also idem, vol. 19, John Merrill to Bell, May 21, 1907.
• [54] Ibid., vol. 4, Shattuck to Clark, June 13, 1878.
• [55] Ibid., vol. 7, Proctor, Report of Woman’s Work, Aintab Station, for the Year Ending April 1, 1881.
• [56] Ibid., Adams, Report of Antioch Field, 1881-1882 April.
• [57] Ibid., Report of Woman’s Work, Aintab Station, for the Year Ending April 1, 1881.  
• [58] Ibid., Report of Aintab Station for 11 Months Ending May 31, 1886.
• [59] Ibid., vol. 10, Adams, Report of Antioch Field, 1891-1892.