Malatya – Monasteries, Pilgrimage Sites, and Shrines (Part B)

Author: Varty Keshishian, 01/06/26 (Last modified 01/06/26) - Translator: Simon Beugekian

The Sourp Krikor Lousavorich Monastery was located an hour and a half (four-five kilometers) southeast of the city of Malatya, on the eastern flank of the Beg Daghi Mountain, at a lofty, picturesque position at the summit of a hill. [1] The monastery was also known as Daghi Monastery, named after the mountain on which it was located. [2] The area around the monastery was watered by the Kozlouk (gözlük (Turkish): well, wellspring) streams, [3] which flowed down the slopes of the mountain, then joined the many tributaries of the Euphrates.

Father Drtad Balian wrote the following about this monastery: “The monastery is famous, its position imposing, the views it offers delightful and beautiful, its air clean and healthy … Its waters delicious, cool, and limpid.” [4] Father Ghougas Indjidjian specified the monastery’s location as being outside the city, in an area called Ordouzou, which was known for its gardens. [5] Indjidjian added, “There sits the bishop of Malatya.” [6] Ordouzin (historically known as Hordeoz) was one of the oldest inhabited settlements of the region. It was a village of gardens, and bordering it was the Saint Prgich (Holy Savior) Monastery, while the Sourp Lousavorich Monastery was nearby, barely two kilometers away. The proximity of the two monasteries was probably the reason the author believed that the Sourp Lousavorich, too, was in Ordouzi.

By the end of the 19th century and the early 20th century, from the once-thriving monastic compound, all that was left was the small chapel and about ten rooms for visitors. [7] The monastery was considered the most important and the oldest of the three Armenian monasteries of Malatya and the environs.

The precise date of the founding of the monastery is unknown. Traditionally, Malatya Armenians claimed that the monastery was contemporaneous with the life of Saint Krikor Lousavorich [Gregory the Illuminator], dating it back to the fourth century. [8] According to the informational report prepared by the Malatya Prelacy in 1902, the monastery was built in 1205 (primary source unknown). [9] Archival sources suggest that this date (1205) is probably close to the true date of the institution’s founding.

The age of the monastery is confirmed not only by the relics that were kept there, [10] but also by the manuscripts written and copied “At the door of the S. Lousavorich Monastery of Melitene,” which demonstrate the existence of a seminary and scriptorium in the mid-11th century. [11] In the memory books and chronicles that were among the manuscripts kept at monastery, we find key phrases like “brave rapouni and philosopher,” “head of rapouni and priest,” and “warden of the holy oath.” These terms, alongside the area’s bibliographic and translatory traditions, are enough to prove that the monastery was a well-known, thriving Armenian spiritual, cultural, and educational center in the Middle Ages. [12] It was described as a monastery, seminary, and cloister. [13] Beginning in the 11th century, the monastery served as the seat of the historic bishopric of Melitene. [14]

One author, writing on the history of Malatya, asserted that he personally witnessed and read a handwritten chronicle dating from the 11th-12th centuries and kept at the monastery, which stated that the monastery was once a seminary (a high-level monastic educational center) with about 200 members of its order, including novitiates, monks, and bishops. [15]

According to a very well-known and very ancient legend from Malatya, on his way back from Rome, when Saint Krikor Lousavorich reached Malatya, he was welcomed and honored there by the local Armenian prince, who, at the time, had pitched tents near the spring called Kozlouk to spend the summer there. The first patriarch of Armenians walked around the hill expressed the opinion that it was a favorable site for a church. The prince remembered these words, and after the patriarch’s departure, he built a church at the site and named it after Krikor Lousavorich. [16]

The first mention of the Sourp Krikor Lousavorich Monastery appears in the work of Simon Lehatsi [Simon the Pole], who, during a visit to Malatya in 1616, saw the church and described it in his travel notes: “And there was a large church there of stone, called Lousavorich.” [17] This passing remark may indicate that due to the raids it had suffered over the years, only a small portion of the monastery was left standing, or only a small section of it had been renovated after those raids, [18] as according to other contemporaries, “the church is small and unimpressive.”

The descriptions of contemporaries paint the picture of a single-nave, vaulted church, built of black, unpolished stones, unadorned and with a simple design. [19] “This monastery did not have the beauty of other Armenian monasteries,” wrote Father Kevork Aslanian, “nor did it have the usual exterior or interior beauty or glory. But the fragrant rose of this monstaery had captured every believer’s heart and set it aflame.” With its “deeply historical and incense-perfumed atmosphere,” it welcomed “rows after rows” of pilgrims. [20]

The church, though small, was well-built, with the walls built of thick stones, like the walls of a fortress. On each side, there were narrow windows to let in the light. [21] The ancient door was carved of ash, which would not rot, and had huge steel nails. [22]

Inside the cathedral, at the altar, as a holy stone/monolith, was an old khachkar, entirely charred by the smoke of lanterns and candles. [23] The inscription on the back of the khachkar read: “In this year of the lord 1260 this was erected in honor of Saint Nshan to glorify Bedros and others. Amen.” [24]

Inside the cathedral was an icon of the Holy Mother of God, with the infant Jesus in her lap. This was an “artless” piece but “redolent of holiness.” [25]

“Of the monastery’s antiquities, nothing was left other than a few manuscripts,” Aslanian wrote, mentioning “a vellum Bible of great value.” [26]

Above the entrance of the church, on the lintel stone, was a carved inscription:

1. “This door of Saint Krikor,
2. Was built by the hand of Bishop Simeon, [27]
3. In the year of the Armenian Calendar 1439, March C (3),
4. In my memory and in memory of my parents.” [28]

Mgrdich Vorperian also mentioned another inscription carved onto the lintel stone above the door: “Rebuilt in 888,” which aligns with the accepted date of the construction of the church, 1439 (888+551=1436). [29]

The monastic compound was encircled by a stone wall. In the northeastern corner of the compound was the walled building housing the living quarters for the monks and pilgrims, vaulted and built of stone. [30] According to sources, until the 1860s, this was a single-story building, with dark and damp rooms. Later, a second floor was built, relatively hastily, with the same number of rooms, built of wood and with an earthen roof. [31] To the south of the monastery were several other structures of different uses – living quarters for the farm workers, a tannery, barns, a root cellar, etc. [32]

Immediately facing the main entrance of the church were several graves. [33] The inscription on one of the gravestones read: “This tombstone was erected for the salvation of the martyr Father Sdepan, in the Year 1777.” [34] We do not have additional information on the circumstances of Father Sdepan’s death, but we do know that the title “martyr” was given to clergymen who died defending their faith.

Bishop Srabion Saboundjian submitted his first report to the Constantinople Patriarchate on February 3, 1861. The newly elected prelate, after reporting on his recent initiatives within the diocese, also stated that he had investigated the issues related to the lands belonging of the Sourp Krikor Lousavorich Monastery. [35] The report provided no additional details, but presumably, this is a reference to the properties of the monastery that had been seized. Bishop Srabion served as the Prelate of Malatya until 1865. His successors, after serving short terms, either resigned or were driven out of Malatya by the people. In 1873, in response to popular demand, Bishop Srabion once again became the Prelate of Malatya, while also serving as the abbot of the Sourp Krikor Lousavorich Monastery. [36]

Father Karekin Srvantsdyants, who visited the monastery in the summer of 1878, wrote: “Its position is high and lofty; and the compound includes a small chapel and several stone rooms. All the doors are open; the interior is deserted and polluted. We saw no sign of people … This is the same monastery where scribes and priests wrote and copied countless manuscripts and church books … But today, it is worth hearing how it came to be in such a deplorable condition.” [37] Elaborating further, the author stated that the reason the monastery was in such a “deplorable condition” was a priest called Sahag who considered himself the lord and master of the institution. He lived in the monastery with his entire family, acting as its abbot, warden, farmer, and everything else. Moreover, he attempted to take over the monastery’s lands and applied to have them transferred to him. Fortunately, he failed. After this incident, the prelacy’s political council decided to expel the priest from the monastery grounds. The priest petitioned the government’s high courts. The prelate sent a telegram to the Constantinople Patriarchate, upon which the Patriarch summoned the priest to Constantinople. “But the priest,” sarcastically wrote Srvantsdyants, “chose the easier option. He appealed to the Most Illustrious Ghevont of the Catholic community of Malatya, accepting his faith and his protection,” hoping that in this way, he could take over the monastic lands, even if this meant “turning what’s Apostolic into Papal.” [38] “Don’t be shocked by their cunning,” continues Srvantsdyants, citing what the Catholic prelate had told him: “… How a man who once didn’t own a finger’s worth … Today, has a substantial number of Catholic followers, a large church, a school, a prelacy, and properties.” [39]

The monastery was always full of pilgrims. Families, both from the city and from the surrounding villages, would come to the monastery and spend days and sometimes even weeks there. “There was never a lack of pilgrims,” wrote Father Garabed Benneyan, “natives and migrants, with their families, spent weeks and months here.” [40] The healthy air, cool waters, and beautiful views of the monastery had made it into a beloved holiday and retreat destination. Especially in the summer, on Saturdays and Sundays, people – men, women, elderly, and youth – would visit the monastery in groups. “Once the snows of winter melted and the green blanket covered the mountains and valleys … the caravans of pilgrims headed to the monastery, there to offer their animals to Saint Krikor Lousavorich, who dwelt there, and to pray for healing and the realization of their wishes and vows.” [41] It was said that the ill would spend weeks at the monastery and would be healed, thanks to the healing powers of the air and water. The infirm and epileptics were left inside the church at night, and if they heard the words, “Your vow has been accepted,” it meant that they had been healed, and conversely, if they heard the words, “Your vow has been rejected,” it meant that they would continue suffering. [42] Barren women and couples unable to have children would seek the monastery’s aid. There was also the belief that being baptized at the monastery would assure that a newborn would survive infancy. [43] Those who had had their vows answered would return to slaughter animals as offerings. There were occasions when pilgrims gave gifts to the monastery, such as rugs, carpets, oil and other food, or more usually, monetary donations. [44]

The busiest and most crowded days at the monastery were the religious holidays and the feast days of the saints. The dedicated day of the monastery’s pilgrimage coincided with the Yeln i Virab day of Saint Krikor Lousavorich, which had become a popular celebration. [45] According to tradition, on the eve of the holiday, pilgrims would go up to the monastery to renew their vows, carrying lots of food and animals as offerings. As soon as the church ceremony ended, the feasting, eating, and celebrations began. The pilgrims, according to their abilities, would bring offerings of sheep, lambs, kids, roosters, or doves. After having them blessed, they would slaughter the animals, cook the meat, and begin their joyous feasting. [46] According to tradition, a portion of the offering was always set aside for the needy, as instructed by Gregory the Illuminator, the first patriarch of Armenians.

To say that the Sourp Krikor Lousavorich Monastery was one of the most beloved sites by the Armenians of Malatya is to say nothing of the national/social life, mores, customs, and psychology of Malatya Armenians.

With its natural wonders – the mountains, the limpid springs and streams, the verdant meadows, the gorges, and holy sites – the Saint Krikor Lousavorich, or as the locals simply called it, the “Monastery,” [47] was a pilgrimage site, a shrine, and a holiday retreat, where, in the lap of nature, Armenians could enjoy themselves without restraint. Needless to say, for the Armenians of Malatya, who had long ago been stripped of any national/political protection and were subjected to all sorts of persecution, the monastery had become a place to enjoy freedom and to shake off oppression. This is probably what Kevork Melidinetsi meant when he wrote, “The crowds, free from the oppressive, stifling atmosphere of the city, would feel themselves free for a moment … They would open their hearts in the midst of nature and fill the mountains and valleys with their cries of joy and pain.” [48]

Malatya Armenians spoke in their memoirs of how they, when young, alongside their classmates, especially the graduating class and teachers of the Sahagian School, would climb up to the Sourp Lousavorich Monastery, or “the most revered pilgrimage site of Malatya Armenians,” to enjoy themselves in the lap of beautiful nature, to sing without restraint, to climb boulders and trees, and to wonder at the beauty of nature. [49] “But the monastery, that cloister built at the summit of the mountain,” remembered Melidinetsi in his memoirs from his school days, “with its soil and water, its trees and flowers, would become a living pilgrimage site, when all 300 of us, students of the Sahagian School, would run around it and sing our tone-deaf songs … With games, excursions, and climbing, the day would pass like a minute … and we would bid farewell to the monastery’s earth and water, trees and flowers, with teary eyes.” [50]

Since antiquity, all Armenian monasteries, including the Sourp Krikor Lousavorich Monastery, owned vast lands, fields, gardens, and orchards. The authors who described the monastery stated that Sourp Krikor Lousavorich owned large tracts of land and was financially self-sufficient. Specifically, sources mention that the monastery had up to 400 god of arable land, grape vineyards, and groves of mulberry, apricot, and almond trees. [51] Father Benneyan mentioned that the monastery owned land, forests, gardens, and 400-500 plots of arable land within a distance of two-three hours from it. [52] According to other sources, the monastery owned vast fields, woodlands and groves, orchards of fruit trees, thousands of vine shoots, etc. [53] However, the monastery’s estates, fields, and orchards had been left completely unattended for a long time, and for that reason, had “aged and rotted.” [54]

Usually, Kurdish field hands were hired to cultivate the monastery’s lands, or the lands would be rented out to individuals. [55] But in later years, these activities did not generate sufficient harvest or income. Benneyan, writing about the monastery’s lands, said, “The Armenians of Malatya were extremely unconcerned with and indifferent to the use of the monastery’s lands. Instead of caring for them, making a profit, or thinking of building a school or another educational institution there, they have completely ignored its existence.” [56] Benneyan also remarked that if the locals hired “proper” field workers, in a few years, the lands would produce a plentiful harvest, which could secure a tidy profit. [57] “Therefore,” concluded the author, “there is a need to create a monastic council consisting of knowledgeable clergymen and laymen, which could be entrusted with the administration of the monastery.” [58]

Father Kevork Arslanian, Prelate of the diocese of Malatya, commenting on the terrible condition of the Sourp Lousavorich Monastery, wrote that the cause for such disrepair was the ineffective and sometimes counter-productive actions of successive prelates: “For the last 100 years, the abbots have achieved nothing, in either the financial or moral domain.” [59] As exceptions, he mentioned some prelates who had helped the monastery: Bishop Sahag Sahagian, who had secured the monastery’s water supply; and Fathers Sachlu Madteos and Malatya native Father Haroutyun Arakelian, who had made important contributions to both the Sourp Lousavorich and Sourp Prgich monasteries. [60]

Bishop Sahag Sahagian, during the term of his prelacy (in 1889), had a beautiful wellspring built in the monastic compound, with a large pool, “in memory of his family.” [61] To keep the waters of the Kozlouk that tumbled down the rocks from becoming polluted and to secure a supply of potable water for the monastery, he piped the waters flowing from the summit of the mountain down to the monastery grounds, where he made an ever-flowing wellspring. The people of Malatya called this spring “Spring of the Lousavorich” or Louys [Light] Spring, and its waters originated from one of the hydrological jewels of Malatya, Tersehim (Der Mesih/Terme Su). [62] Also thanks to Bishop Sahag’s efforts, the narrow path leading to the monastery was replaced with a wide road. [63]

During the Hamidian massacres that took place in Malatya in 1895, the Sourp Lousavorich Monastery was attacked and looted by the Turkish and Kurdish mobs. Alongside the manuscripts and valuable vessels that were kept at the monastery, its property deeds (tapu) were also stolen. After some time, these were returned, but the monastery’s water rights remained in the hands of an influential eshrafi called Hadji Abdallah. [64]

After the massacres of 1895, to shelter, care for, and educate the many Armenian orphans who were left behind, in 1898, an orphanage/school was opened at the Sourp Lousavorich Monastery, housing about 50 orphans. [65] The orphanage was located west of the monastery building, in a building with “10-12 roofs,” and the orphans were under the supervision of a teacher and a caretaker. The orphanage was administered by a special committee, led by the prelacy. [66] From the very first day, arrangements were made for the orphans to receive instruction in the crafts alongside classical education, including in cobblery, tanning, etc. [67] The orphanage was funded by the Constantinople Patriarchate, which provided 15 Ottoman pounds, as well as the monastery’s resources. [68] Sources mention that the funds provided by the Patriarchate were raised by the “Caretakers of the Orphans of Moscow.” [69]

Interim Prelate of Malatya, Father Khachadour Der Ghazarian, in his report dated March 21, 1902, stated that the monastery compound included a small chapel, about 30 two-story rooms, the adjacent orphanage building, and 2,000-3,000 grat of wheat fields, some of which were left fallow. [70]

In 1906-1907, during the term of Prelate Father Kevork Aslanian, a series of renovations were performed inside the Saint Krikor Lousavorich Monastery, which had been needed since the catastrophe of 1895. Thanks to Aslanian’s determined efforts, the church was renovated, and an additional 10-15 rooms were built for pilgrims, replacing the old, dilapidated rooms. Moreover, a “beautiful and glorious” two-story building was built on the foundations of the old prelacy building. [71] The testimonies of contemporary witnesses describe, and one of the few extant photographs of the monastery shows, this large stone building, sitting beneath the monastery. Of note are the windows with arched frontispieces and the beautiful ckhartma (projecting) balconies. [72] They offered a breathtaking view of the foothills of the mountain and the precipitous gorge, and nearby, the large pond of Pounarbashi, all the way to the fields that bordered the horizon, [73] and a little further, the Euphrates, winding its way like a ribbon of silver. [74]

The clean air and the natural beauty of the surroundings, in addition to the improved facilities and newly constructed, modern buildings, led to an increase in the number of visitors and pilgrims. The Divine Liturgy was performed every week, as were frequent blessings of offerings. Alongside the pilgrims, the prominent residents of the city and high-ranking government officials also came to the monastery for rest and leisure. [75] According to contemporary witnesses, the number of rooms available at the monastery was insufficient for the number of visiting pilgrims. Many, unable to find accommodation at the monastery, would spend the nights outdoors, in tents pitched in the apricot groves. [76]

Aslanian also made efforts to make the monastery’s lands and properties as profitable as possible. Work was done to revive the “dead” fields and orchards, and to also plant new gardens and vineyards. In the 1900s, two workers, the brothers Veli Dayin and Mikayel, were mentioned as working in the monastery fields. [77]

Thanks to Father Aslanian’s initiatives, as well as the increase in the number of pilgrims as a result of the renovations, the Sourp Krikor Lousavorich Monastery secured permanent sources of income. [78]

Every Sunday, the Divine Liturgy and the blessing of the offerings were performed. [79] To regularize spiritual service at the monastery, the Diocesan Council of Malatya instructed all priests of the diocese that they must take turns visiting the area’s two main pilgrimage sites, the Saint Lousavorich and Saint Prgich monasteries, and serve the pilgrims’ spiritual needs. [80]

From the report dated May 11, 1911, and sent to the Constantinople Patriarchate by Father Yeghia Der Garabedian, Interim Prelate of Malatya, we learn that the Sourp Krikor Lousavorich Monastery owned 350 plots of arable land, a small forest, and fallow, unirrigated lands and mountains that had a diameter of three hours’ walk. [81] The same report mentions that the monastery had an income of 60 Ottoman pounds, which was entirely spent on its needs, “as the monastery was plundered during the massacres of 1895.”

Before the First World War, and in the following years, the Malatya Diocese, as well as the monastery, lacked a prelate/abbot.

During the massacres of Armenians that began in 1915 in Malatya, the Saint Lousavorich Monastery was occupied, and for about nine months, operated as a tekke (Muslim prayer site). [82] Then, in response to a note of protest from the British Consul in Kharpert to Shakir Pasha, the governor of the province, the monastery was returned to Armenians, after being robbed and in ruins. Efforts to return the monastery to Armenians were also supported by Dr. Gates [83] and Mr. Polk, a missionary from the American relief organization; as well as representatives of the International Red Cross Committee, who were in Malatya at the time on a special mission. After the Armistice, surviving Malatya Armenians returned from their deportation destinations and for some time, found shelter at the Sourp Lousavorich Monastery, still dreaming of one day rebuilding it. [84]

According to contemporary witnesses, by the time Armenians returned, the residents of nearby villages had entirely stripped the dilapidated monastery, taking away its doors, windows, wooden beams, etc. One chronicler described the monastery thus: “But now, it is not the old monastery. It is half-ruined, dilapidated, and uncared for. It is like a widowed bride wearing a black veil.” [85]

B. Arakelian, from Malatya, wrote of how he had participated in the first and perhaps last pilgrimage to the Sourp Lousavorich after the horrific days of deportations and exile, and which attracted almost 100 pilgrims. Arakelian specifically recalled that his older sister, Anna, and two female neighbors had vowed that if they received news that their “dear ones” (husbands) were alive, they would each buy and slaughter a sheep at the Saint Lousavorich Monastery. And suddenly, after five years of torment, tears, and suffering, the long-awaited tidings had come… And the people, disregarding all risks and dangers, with their neighbors and relatives, made their way to the monastery to make their offerings. It must be noted that throughout this pilgrimage, a Turkish caravanner called Moustafa and his employees ensured the Armenians’ safety. [86]

Soon after the Armistice, the government seized the monastery and its properties and sold them to four Kurds, who then turned the monastery into a barn and the church into a hayloft. [87] 

1- The Kozlouk Spring

Outside the monastic compound, along the banks of the mountain streams, the leafy walnut trees awaited the arrival of pilgrims. This verdant and water-rich area was called Kozlouk, after the wellspring that flowed there. “The Kozlouk site and its cold water are famous,” wrote Father Aslanian, “three centuries-old walnut trees watch over it, and the pilgrims prefer this site over the monastery.” [88] It was said that until the 1880s, the monastery was surrounded by a grove of walnut trees, but over time, only a few of the trees remained, due to lack of care and supervision. [89]

Nearby, there was a centuries-old walnut tree standing, and beside it, the permanently flowing spring with a large pool built for its water. “It was under this particular walnut tree, on the edge of the water, that the people of Malatya liked sitting,” a contemporary wrote, noting that this was both a pilgrimage site and a leisure destination.

2- The Lousavorich Spring

The pilgrims, on their way to the monastery, would first come across a spring of limpid and cold water, which flowed from underneath a large rock. This water of this spring, hidden by the green vegetation, was known for its medicinal properties. People suffering from various ailments, including malaria and fever, would be healed after drinking this water. “This is Lousavorich’s water,” the people of Malatya would say, “and in it they would bathe those suffering from fever and spleen conditions, with many finding treatment and comfort.” [90]

3- Lower Gol, Upper Gol, Keleg Pounar

Above the Lousavorich Spring, to the right of the Kozlouk Garden, at an elevated position, was the Lower Gol [Pond]. The young people who visited the monastery enjoyed spending their time near this pond, surrounded by willow trees. They would swim in the water and dry their wet clothes on the rocks around it. At a more elevated position, and nestled in the vegetation, was the Keleg Pounar swimming hole, around which people gathered to play games and have a good time. A little further up the mountain, on its southern side, was Upper Gol, which was a rocky area, and visited rarely by pilgrims. [91]

4- The Goulounch Boulder

There was a huge boulder on the way to the monastery. The locals called this boulder Golounch (“round” or “disc-shaped” in the local dialect). Those who suffered from joint pain would visit this boulder and rub the ailing parts of their body against it. [92]

5- The Sourp Lousavorich Cave

At the bottom of the hill leading up to the monastery were two notable sites. On the left flank of Beg Daghi, in the gorge called Indara (or In Dere, dere (Turkish): gorge), was the Sourp Lousavorich cave, hewn into the boulder, [93] locally known as “Lousavorcha kalufa” (“where the ascetic lived”). [94] According to tradition, Saint Krikor Lousavorich had hidden and lived in this cave as an ascetic. Upon entering the cave, one felt like one was facing an altar, upon which was a stone sculpture of Saint Krikor Lousavorich. [95] Vorperian described the cave vividly: “Imagine, the sculpture of a giant bishop, dressed in the vestments of Divine Liturgy, wearing a chatal/crown on his head, with his hands raised above him.” [96] This was “Lousavorich, sculped by miracle.” [97] The people considered this cave a holy site, and believed that the spring that flowed from it was endowed by the healing powers of Saint Lousavorich. Father Benneyan compared this rock-hewn cave to a shrine, and added that “according to tradition, Saint Lousavorich spent some time in this cave as an ascetic before we came to this place.” [98]

6- The Traces of Krikor Lousavorich

In a natural cave near the monastery were “Krikor Lousavorich’s footprints, handprints, and the indentation that his head made on a rock,” [99] about which legends were woven. According to one such legend, Krikor Lousavorich had himself built the monastery, and his huge footprints on the rock were cited as evidence. [100] It was said that while carrying the stones of the monastery on his shoulders, from the weight he carried, his feet dug into the rock, leaving deep footprints in it. [101]

7- Khoshroug Cave

On the right side of the valley, on the mountain flank, there was yet another cave, called KhoshrougMagharas. The entrance of the cave was wide, and several people could walk in abreast. Inside this cave, water dripped from the cracks in the rock. It was said that this water, with a high concentration of lime from underground sources, healed skin ailments. Especially those who had khoshroug (spots, pimples) on their faces and hands, according to the people of Malatya, would wash their skin with this water, and would be healed. For this reason, the locals called this cave Khoshroug. [102]

8- The Bridge of Hair

On the way to the cave, there was a perilous path that meandered through cliff faces and under overhanging rocks. This narrow and dangerous pass was called the Bridge of Hair. [103] Those who braved the crossing, made it across, and entered the cave would have their wish fulfilled “with the blessing of Sourp Lousavorich.” [104] The people of Malatya had a special day for visiting this shrine/pilgrimage site – the Sunday following Easter Sunday. On that day, large numbers of pilgrims would visit the site, especially infertile women, those who had lost children in infancy, etc. The pilgrims, overcoming all fear and disregarding all danger, “would cross the Bridge of Hair, so that God would grant them their wishes.” [105]

9- The Barn of Saint Lousavorich’s Horse

There was a large, flat area near the Bridge of Hair. It was said that the barn of Saint Lousavorich’s barn once stood there, and traces of horseshoes could clearly be discerned. There was also no lack of witty people who, speaking of this site, would say, “A horse would need the wings of a bird to have trotted here.” [106]

Traditions and Recollections Concerning the Anardzat Pjishg Monastery

The Anardzat Pjishg Monastery was located an hour-and-a-half east of Malatya, between the Sourp Prgich and Sourp Krikor Lousavorich monasteries, in the water-rich valley of the Pounarbashi (or Poughar Bashi) Stream. [107]

We have no confirmed information regarding the founding of Anardzat Pjishg. The monastery is first mentioned in a handwritten memory book dated 1590, where it is listed among the other monasteries and churches of Malatya: “… In the province of Melitene, which in the Muslim tongue is called Malatya, at the cloister that is called the Cloister of Saint Krikor Lousavorich, under the protection of Saint Hovhannes and Anardzat Pjishg of Gozma and Damianos; and of Saint Sdepanos the Promartyr and Saint Sophia…” [108]

Father Yeprem Boghosian, in his book on Armenian monasteries, stated first that in the archival sources he examined, he never came across the name of a monastery called “Anardzat Pjishg,” and therefore, based on the quote above from the 1590 memory book, he presumed that the “Aandrzat Pjishg” was either a church or a chapel that was part of the Sourp Krikor Lousavorich Monastery. [109] But it is clear that the writer of the quote was listing, in the traditionally accepted method, the churches and monasteries of Malatya as protectors and defenders, and it listed the Anardzat Pjishg as a separate, distinct monastery. Alboyadjian, who struggled with the same confusion, reached lengthy and complicated conclusions. [110]

Indirect references found in archival sources allow us to conclude that in the early Middle Ages, specifically the early Christian era, Anardzat Pjishg was a well-known, well-built, and thriving monastery, which made significant contributions to education. A distant echo of this fact is the legend that claims that Saint Mesrob Mashdots, after creating the Armenian alphabet, on his return journey, visited Malatya and left two of his disciples behind to study at the local “theological seminary” before he himself returned to Armenia. [111] This legend harkens to the stories of Mesrob Masdhots’s journey to Mesopotamia. Specifically, historical sources note that Mesrob Mashdots, while traveling to spread his new alphabet, visited Melitene with his disciples, and there met with the local prelate, Bishop Agag, and entrusted his disciples to him. [112] And this is not the only notable local legend associated with Mesrob Mashdots. The collective consciousness of Malatya Armenians has preserved a distant memory, from the fourth century, that only one of the three monasteries of Malatya was home to a high seminary, and this monastery, most probably, was the Anardzat Pjishg. [113]

Father Garabed Benneyan cites another tradition connected to the monastery, according to which, in ancient times, the Anardzat Pjishg was a very large and celebrated monastery, with many chapels, altars, and khackars. [114] And in fact, the ruins and remains of the monastery attest to the fact that it was once a flourishing institution. [115] According to Benneyan, aside from the chapel, all other structures were dilapidated and in ruins. [116]

Father Aslanian wrote the following on this monastery: “Today, there’s nothing but a ruined chapel. From its once-large structures, all that’s left standing is two arches in an expanse of ruins.” [117]

One of the authors of the memory books of Malatya, A. Kekevian, decades after leaving the area, recorded important details on the Anardzat Pjishg. The author, relaying what he had heard from his “fathers and grandfathers,” stated that the monastery consisted of the main cathedral and eight or more additional churches; as well as forty altars dedicated to various saints, where on the feast days of these saints and on holidays, various ceremonies were performed. In the past, the monastery had a respectable number of monks, with their spiritual leader, the abbot. [118] He also noted that that the monastery had a reputation for “healing the sick without medication,” and was a permanent destination for numerous pilgrims. [119]

Kevork Melidinetsi [Topalian] described the Anardzat Pjishg as “The glory of the forty altars destroyed like the forty child martyrs.” [120] Surely, the legend preserved in the collective memory of Malatya Armenians of the “forty martyrs’ forty altars” is related in the memory of the forty holy children, the early Christian martyrs from the fourth century. According to chronicler Bishop Oukhdanes, some of the forty children, while on the run, hid in the fortress-city of Melitene, while others hid on the nearby mountain flanks. Then, after being chased down, they were put to the sword. In later years, many churches were built at the sites of their martyrdom, which were praised and glorified by the local populations. [121] This information leads us to think that the monastery had a chapel dedicated to the memory of these forty martyrs, of which only distant echoes remained extant. [122]

The ruins and standing structures of Anardzat Pjishg were first described in writing by Father Karekin Srvantsdyants. The “traveler of Armenia,” continuing his travels, stated: “From the Saint Lousavorich we came down to the Anardzat Pjishg, which was a mere chapel in a field of ruins, under a small cliff. There were only two arches standing, surrounded by ruins.” He added, “It was once a thriving monastery.” [123]

Father Drtad Balian, in Hay Vanorayk [Armenian Monasteries], wrote: “This monastery, Anardzat Pjishg … Has long been in ruins, although today, all that can be seen are mounds of earth, and the occasional foundational walls and ruins of rooms.” [124]

Father Kevork Aslanian, a native of Pingian, who served as the Interim Prelate of Malatya from 1903 to 1907, had intimate knowledge of and had closely studied the standing and shapatatsyal [defunct, dilapidated] monasteries of Malatya. He later published many articles in various newspapers and periodicals about them. Speaking of Anardzat Pjishg, Aslanian revealed that in the 1860s-1870s, the chapel was still standing, and church ceremonies were held in it: “Fifty years ago, the church was still standing, and the late Bishop Srabion performed the Divine Liturgy there.” [125] On another occasion, Aslanian stated that during his term as prelate (early 1900s), all that was left from the monastic compound was an arch or two and a few half-collapsed walls, which were living witnesses to the once-thriving monastery. [126]

Kevork Melidinetsi provided important information on the Anardzat Pjishg Monastery. Although the information he relayed was based solely on verbal testimonies, given the scarcity of sources on the subject, or rather the absence of other reliable sources, the legends woven about the monastery have importance and contain historical and descriptive elements. Melidinetsi considered the Anardzat Pjishg the oldest and most important monastery in Malatya, which experienced its heyday in the century between 1250 and 1350. [127] According to a similar tradition, the Anardzat Pjish had a history of 10-12 centuries. More interestingly, this tradition stated that the princes of Melitene had built the monastery at its specific location mostly thanks to the beautiful surroundings. [128]

We must note that the in the oral traditions related to the Anardzat Pjishg, like those related to the other monasteries of Malatya, these apocryphal “princes” appear out of nowhere as important characters (such as the “prince” who had built the Saint Lousavorich Monastery). Undoubtedly, these princes have an immediate connection with the period of the monasteries’ founding and related historical events. We know from history that in the 11th century, across the Euphrates watershed that was conquered by the Byzantine Empire, Armenian principalities were created, ruled by Armenian governors. These traditions, which were passed down from one generation to the next of Malatya Armenians, are reflections of true historical events and figures, whose archetypes exist in the history of Malatya. We can cite, specifically, the Armenian prince, Byzantine general, and autocrat Pilardos Varajnouni (11th century); Prince Gabriel, the governor of Malatya himself (1055-1103); Prince Vasil (“Thief”), who effectively ruled Melitene (1102); and others. Among these traditions are also those that state that the Saint Prgich Monastery was attacked and plundered several times, but pious princes rebuilt it each time, as well as the account by the aforementioned source of the great houses of Melitene having enriched, rebuilt, and renovated the monasteries. [129]

The reports on the destruction and plundering of the monastery are additional links in this chain of history and tradition. Specifically, sources mention that the monastery’s treasures were plundered during the Mongol-Tatar invasions. [130] Then, the monastery was entirely destroyed during Tamerlane’s campaigns, after which monastic life died down. All testimonies and mentions of the monastery confirm that the Anardzat Pjishg, with its beautiful architecture and vast properties, was a thriving and flourishing institution.  The Armenians of Malatya often said, “This great monastery was destroyed by the hand of Tamerlane,” [131] which is also confirmed by these lines from a popular song:

1. Prgichn ou Pjishgu Leng Temour kagits,
2. Kareru tserke tserk Mouradu [Euphrates] tapits. [132]

Once the monastery lost its order of monks and sponsoring princes, monastic life ceased and the monastery continued its existence as a shrine and pilgrimage site. Effectively, beginning in these centuries, the monastery became a pilgrimage site for the area’s Armenians, where they would slaughter offerings, make vows, and hold popular celebrations.

Although the monastery had long since been in a ruined and dilapidated state, it remained one of the revered holy sites for the Armenians of Malatya.

A. Kekevian, who described the Anardzat Pjishg Monastery in his writings, stated that until the great earthquake of 1893, the main church and several altars remained in a usable state. Some thick, stone walls of structures were still standing, including one wall with a length of two-three gankoun and the same width, on which there was an Armenian inscription and a broken cross. [133] There was a permanent bell ringer/guard at the monastery, and pilgrimages and church ceremonies were still held there. “But the great earthquake,” wrote the author, “put an end to it all, turning this ancient, beautiful, and revered institution into a pile of rubble and ruins.” [134] Apparently, after the earthquake, the monastery was in such a state of disrepair that it was completely abandoned, and the number of pilgrimages gradually decreased. This assertion is also supported by K. Melidinetsi’s testimony that after the destruction of the Anardzat Pjishg, the Saint Prgich Monastery became a more prominent pilgrimage site. [135] This passing comment confirms the theory proposed by many Malatya chroniclers that until 1895, the Anardzat Pjishg remained the most beloved and popular pilgrimage site for Malatya Armenians. K. Tashdjian, a native of Malatya, in his memoirs, described the Divine Liturgy held at the Anardzat Pjishg in 1889, during which “the people, on their knees, prayed fervently.” [136]

After speaking of the Anardzat Pjishg in passing, Srvantsdyants recorded an event from the recent past. The Catholic community of Malatya had attempted, through the government, to take over the land of the Anardzat Pjishg and to build a new monastery at the site. And although the local Apostolic Armenians had foiled this conspiracy, [137] Srvantsdyants still had some choice, critical words for the community: “Armenians, you barely woke up in time to stop their conspiracy … But they have not yet repaired the chapel.” [138]

Notably, years later, Father Garabed Benneyan wrote about the same event, after which, according to him, nothing had changed: “If only our compatriots were interested in renovating the monastery,” the priest noted with sorrow, adding that building a new church on the land would be the equivalent of “bequeathing an invaluable treasure to future generations.” [139] The author also noted with sadness that the lands of the monastery were entirely abandoned and fallow, while if they had been cultivated properly, they could be productive and generate profit. [140]

Interim Prelate of the Malatya Prelacy, Father Khachadour Der Ghazarian, in his report from 1902, wrote that it was traditionally accepted that the Anardzat Pjishg Monastery was a flourishing institution, that the lands and orchards around it had once belonged to it, and that for an unknown time the monastery had been in ruins and its lands had been seized by others. [141]

The vast fields and verdant orchards around the monastery outlined the borders of this once-thriving and vibrant institution. Regarding its geographic position, Aslanian wrote: “Gazing from the hill, our eyes could not get enough … As the views are so diverse and so manifold; and there were so many hues of green, so many types of trees and flowers.” On the right side of the monastery was “a vineyard with millions of vines.” [142] Srvantsdyants speaks with awe about the “extremely pleasant, verdant carpets” that spread around the monastery, also stating that the institution’s lands had been seized by Turkish and Kurdish aghas. [143]

According to some sources, until 1895, the church walls, arches, etc. were still partially standing. During the massacres, the last traces and memories of “Poor Anardzat Pjishg” were erased. [144]

The locals had deep faith in the powers of this pilgrimage site, known as the “antegh” [without medication] and “anardzat” [silverless] doctor for Malatya Armenians, to which crowds of pilgrims came from the city and the nearby villages. [145]

Medicinal properties were ascribed both to the holy site, known as hivantats oknagan [helper of the ill], as well as its waters. In the monastic compound was a huge, rock-hewn cave. There was a large aperture at the bottom of this boulder, through which several people could easily walk abreast. Inside the cave flowed a stream of icy water that tasted like earth, which, being mineral water, healed many ailments. The Armenians of Malatya had a deep faith and conviction in the powers of this water, and would visit the ruins mostly for the purposes of seeking healing. [146] “As late as in our days,” one chronicler wrote, “the ruins had no lack of visitors.” [147] They came to bathe in the healing waters of the Anardzat, to rub the water on their body as a salve, and to take back bottles and this water to the infirm who could not make the journey. [148] This waster was given, as medication, to those suffering from internal ailments or internal pains. Its healing properties were particularly demonstrated in the case of patients suffering from spleen conditions. It was said that those who suffered from joint pain, after drinking the water and rubbing it on their joints, were healed permanently. [149] The Armenians of Malatya considered this water a “panacea” or a “treatment for all types of pain,” [150] and told countless stories of the healing miracles that it had performed. [151]

A. Kekevian stated that the monastery was named “Anardzat Pjishg” [Silverless Doctor] after this water, as it asked for no payment from those it healed. [152] Clearly, this comment reflects the popular beliefs of the time. Generally, the monastery’s healing properties, the cave, the water, and all the subtext associated with them were linked to the lives and work of the founding saints of the monastery, Gozma and Tamianos, known as “silverless” doctors. It is known that Saints Gozma and Tamianos, who were twin brothers, would travel among people and heal them. They would ask for no payment for their services, and consequently were called “silverless doctors.” In this sense, the traditions, customs, and beliefs woven around the Anardzat Pjishg Monastery were echoes of the lives and work of these “healer” saints, specifically the fact that the “monastery never asked for payment for the healing miracles it performed.” [153]

The information provided by various sources and testimonies, the fact that the monastery was named after these healing saints, the institution’s purported healing properties, and other beliefs associated with the Anardzat Pjishg lead us to think that perhaps this monastery was originally one of the ancient chapels built to house the relics of the silverless saints, and which are mentioned in medieval Armenian sources. Possibly, in the 11th-12th centuries, during the apogee of monastic life in Armenia, one of these chapels was expanded into a monastery.

The Locals’ Feasting Site

Below the monastery, the huge Pounarbashi pond, as well as each gorge, mountain, and hill, whether alpine meadow or thick forest and woodland, endowed the entire area with unique beauty. It was said that in antiquity, these areas, with all their natural beauty, were the beloved hunting and pleasure grounds of brave warriors. [154] The shores of the Pounarbashi, covered with a silky green carpet, were the sites of the celebrations and rituals of visiting pilgrims. One Malatya Armenian chronicler called the Pounarbashi Pond, at the feet of the monastery, a “local feasting site” and the “queen of leisure areas.” Since antiquity, this area had become an object of worship for its vital and healing waters. [155] The pilgrims enjoyed gathering on the shores of the Pounarbashi and organizing large, popular excursions.

The Waters of the Pounarnbashi

Right below the monastery, nestled in the meadows of silky grass, was the Pounarbashi Pond, which was fed by numerous streams and springs. Fish swam in its silvery waters. [156] Father Aslanian remembers how in the old days, long columns of pilgrims snaked around this pond, who had come to bathe in its limpid waters in hopes of healing. [157] It is not accident that this phenomenon was echoed in a popular song from Malatya, Pounar Bashou Chouru Agen Orhnvadz E [The Water of the Pounarbashi Is Blessed from Its Source].

As a unique example of a bardic, popular folk song from the songbook of Malatya Armenians, we provide this poem here. It includes notable references to the three monasteries of Malatya, which were entrenched in the locals’ historical memory. According to K. Tashdjian, a native of Malatya, this “poem” was inscribed in the hymnal of the Saint Sdepanos Church of the Lower City (historic Melitene). Tashdjian also stated that that his father had taught him this poem by heart when he was a child. [159]

[The poem is presented in its original language, Armenian, in transcribed form.]

• [1] Father Garabed Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan yev Azkakragan Ashkhadasiroutyunu yev Krikor Khantsiani Malatyo Kavaraparparu [The Geographic and Ethnographic Study of Malatya and Krikor Khantsian’s Provincial Dialect of Malatya], published by the central executive board of the original chapter of the Malatya Scholastic Society, without mention of publication date or location [Aleppo, 1942], p. 58. Also see Mgrdich Vorperian, “Malatya,” Pyuragn Weekly, Constantinople, 1900, number 8, p. 117.
• [2] J. Wünsch, “Beg-Dagh and Malatya,” Hantes Amanorya [Yearly Review], Vienna, 1892, n. 1, p. 5 (originally published as Wünsch J., Der Beg Magh uud Malatya, Mittheilungen der k. k. Geographischen Gesellschaft, Wien, 1891, n.8).
• [3] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 58.
• [4] Father Drtad Balian, Hay Vanorayk [Armenian Monasteries], compiled by G. Avedian, Vagharshabad, published by the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin, 2008, p. 216.
• [5] Father Ghougas Indjidjian, Ashkharhakroutyun Chorits Masants Ashkharhi [Geography of the Four Corners of the World], volume 1, part 1 – Asia, Venice-Saint Lazarus, 1806, p. 322.
• [6] Ibid. The author cited a tradition linked with the monastery from Keyatib Chelebi, according to which, after a pasha called Badal Ghazi, from Malatya, had visited the monastery on a pilgrimage with a large host, Melek Ahmed Pasha built a stone steeple atop the church in 1646. Although this date does not align with Badal Ghazi’s lifetime, nevertheless, the tradition may contain an older story that was fictionalized. According to historical sources, Ghazi was killed around the year 740 CE, during a war against the Byzantine Empire, for which reason he was dubbed ghazi, meaning warrior. The site called Seyidghaz, near Old Melitene, is also associated with him. This site houses Padal Ghazi’s tomb, which, in the early period of the Ottoman Empire, had been transformed into a shrine.
• [7] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 58.
• [8] Father Kevork Aslanian, “About the Monasteries. Saint Lousavorich and Anardzat Pjishg,” Masis Weekly, Constantinople, 1906, number 20, p. 318.
• [9] Arshag Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun Malatyo Hayots – Deghakragan, Badmagan, yev Azkakragan [History of the Armenians of Malatya – Geographic, Historical, and Ethnographic], Beirut, Sevan Publishing House, 1960, p. 609.
• [10] We know that the number of monasteries in this area rose beginning in the 11th century, when a portion of the population of Vasbouragan, led by King Senekerim Ardzrouni, settled down in the Armenian-populated provinces of Asia Minor and received jurisdiction over the Euphrates watershed, one wing of which stretched from the right bank of the Euphrates to Malatya. Notably, the monasteries founded in this period were mostly named after monasteries in Vasbouragan and retained the memories of Ardzrouni glory and wealth. The Saint Krikor Lousavorich Monastery was probably one of the few monasteries that survived from this period into the 20th century.
• [11] Hayeren Tserakreri Hishadagaranner, 5th-12th Tarer [Memory Books of Armenian Manuscripts, 5th-12th Centuries], edited by Ardashes Matevosian, Matenadaran, Yerevan, 1988, pp. 100, 116, 157, 160…
• [12] Ibid. Also see Father Hamazasb Vosgian,Sepasdiayi, Kharperti, Diyarbakiri, yev Drabizoni Nahanknerou Vankeru [The Monasteries of the Provinces of Sepasdia, Kharpert, Diyarbakir, and Trabzon], Vienna, Mekhitarist Press, 1962, pp. 110-114.
• [13] Hayeren Tserakreri Hishadagaranner, 5th-12th Tarer.
• [14] Ibid.; also see Indjidjian, Ashkharhakroutyun…, p. 322.
• [15] [K. J.] “The Handwritten Vellum Bible of Malatya,” Nor Malatya [New Malatya], USA, 1953, n. 1-4, p. 11.
• [16] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…,p. 58. Also see Aslanian, Masis, p. 318. It is notable that the well-known and ubiquitous traditional legends of Saint Krikor Lousavorich founding churches and monasteries in different parts of Armenia were merged with local legends told in Malatya. Here, the founder of the monastery isn’t Krikor Lousavorich, but an Armenian prince, who builds a monastery named after Krikor Lousavorich at the site.
• [17] Simeon Tbri Lehatsvo Oughekroutyun, Darekroutyun, yev Hishadagarank [Travel Chronicle, Journal, and Memory Book of Lector Simeon the Pole],H. Nerses Aginian, Vienna, Mekhitarist Press, 1936, p. 190.
• [18] Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun…, p. 598.
• [19] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 58. Also see Archbishop Kevork Aslanian, “Fragments from the Glorious, Ruined Monasteries,”Pazmaveb Monthly, Venice-Saint Lazarus, 1937, n. 12, pp. 108-109.
• [20] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 58; Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.
• [21] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 58.
• [22] Ibid.
• [23] Ibid.
• [24] Ibid., p. 60.
• [25] Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 108.
• [26] Ibid, p. 109. This, of course, is a reference to one of the great masterpieces of Armenian literature and illumination, the famous manuscript called after the city of Malatya. In fact, when we speak of the Saint Krikor Lousavorich Monastery, it is impossible not to speak of the “Malatya Bible,” which was kept at the Monastery until the late 19th century. This extremely valuable Bible was copied and illustrated by Toros Roslin, in 1267-1268, in Hromgla (Cilicia), at the request of Catholicos Constantin Partspertsi, as a gift for the crown prince Hetoum (Hethum II). Later, probably after the fall of the Kingdom of Cilicia, the Bible was brought to Malatya and was kept for many centuries at the Saint Krikor Lousavorich Monastery, for which reason it was called the “Malatya Bible” by researchers. The fate of this Bible was closely intertwined with that of Malatya Armenians. It was stolen several times after raids on the monastery, and the local population was forced to raise money to buy it back from the Turks. During the 1895-1896 Hamidian massacres, alongside other valuable items and manuscripts, this Bible was stolen. Some time later, it was sold in Adana – the local Prelacy paid the price demanded and bought it back. Then, at the repeated requests of the Prelate and prominent Armenians of Malatya, it was returned to its rightful place. In 1915, during the carnage of the Genocide, two members of the committee for abandoned property seized this Bible. The government, after finding it, kept it at the Kharpert state treasury, whence, alongside other valuable manuscripts and church vessels, it was transferred to the Constantinople Armenian Patriarchate(Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun Malatyo…, p. 611), then to the Srpots Hagopyants Monastery in Jerusalem. In 1975, the Bible was donated to the Mesrob Mashdots Matenadaran, where it is catalogued under number 10675 (see Father Karekin Srvantsdyants, Toros Aghpar Hayasdani Djamport, volume 1, Constantinople, Y. M. Dndesian Printing House, 1879, pp. 327-331; Hayeren Tserakreri Hishadagaranner, 13th Tar, p. 273; and Tsoutsag Tserkrats Mashdotsi Anvan Madenatarani, volume 3, compiled by A. Malkhasian, Yerevan, published by the Yerevan State University, 2007, pp. 33, 88-89).
• [27] We encounter this same Bishop Simeon in the memory book of the manuscripts of the Saint Krikor Lousavorich Monastery, described as a “peerless philosopher and prelate of Melitene.”
• [28] Father Karekin Srvantsdyants,Toros Aghpar, p. 313; Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 60; Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.The inscription on the lintel stone of the church has been presented incorrectly in various sources. We present the correct version here.
• [29] Vorperian, Pyuragn, p. 117.
• [30] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 58; Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 108.
• [31] Benneyan, ibid. Also see Aslanian, Masis, p. 319.
• [32] Father Antreas Agheksantrian, Badmoutyun Aganavor Kaghakin Sepasdio yev Sahmanats nora gam Arkebisgobosoutyun Norin [History of the Prominent City of Sepasdia and its Territory or Its Archbishopric], Venice, Saint Lazarus, 1911, p. 400.
• [33] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 58.
• [34] Father Karekin Srvantsdyants, Toros Aghpar, p. 313; Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.
• [35] Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun…, p. 563.
• [36] Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 119.
• [37] Father Karekin Srvantsdyants, Toros Aghpar, p. 311.
• [38] Ibid., p. 312.
• [39] Ibid., pp. 312-313.
• [40] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 59.
• [41] Kevork Melidinetsi, Nakhdjirner (1915-1918) [Carnage (1915-1918)], Boston, Hairenik Press, 1929, p. 33.
• [42] B. Arakelian, “Our Monastery,” Bab Oukhdi, 1949, n. 50, p. 11.
• [43] B. Arakelian, “As If It Were a Fairy Take,” Bab Oukhdi, 1935, n. 2, p. 11.
• [44] Ibid.
• [45] Aslanian, Masis, p. 318.
• [46] Melidinetsi, Nakhdjirner…, p. 33.
• [47] Ibid., p. 32.
• [48] Ibid., p. 33.
• [49] G. Nadjarian, Bab Oukhdi, 1935, number 3, p. 9. 
• [50] Melidinetsi, Nakhdjirner…, p. 34.
• [51] Arakelian, Bab Oukhdi, 1949, number 50, p. 9; Melidinetsi, Nakhdjirner…, p. 33.
• [52] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 59.
• [53] Vorperian, Pyuragn, p. 117; Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.
• [54] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 59. Also see Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.
• [55] Father Karekin Srvantsdyants, Toros Aghpar Hayasdani Djamport [Brother Toros Traveler of Armenia], volume 1, p. 313.
• [56] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 59.
• [57] Ibid.
• [58] Ibid.
• [59] Aslanian, Masis, p. 319.
• [60] Ibid.
• [61] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 58.
• [62] Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 108.
• [63] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 59.
• [64] Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun…, p. 609.
• [65] Vorperian, Pyuragn, p. 118.
• [66] Ibid.
• [67] Father Antreas Agheksantrian, Badmoutyun Aganavor Kaghakin Sepasdio…, pp. 400-401.
• [68] Ibid., p. 401.
• [69] Father Drtad Balian, Hay Vanorayk, p. 217.
• [70] Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun…, p. 609.
• [71] Aslanian, Pazmaveb, 1938, p. 109. Also see Masis, p. 319.
• [72] Arakelian, Bab Oukhdi, p. 10.
• [73] Ibid., p. 11.
• [74] Ibid.
• [75] Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.
• [76] Arakelian, Bab Oukhdi, p. 11.
• [77] Aslanian, Masis, p. 319.
• [78] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 58; Aslanian, Masis, p. 319; Father Drtad Balian, Hay Vanorayk, p. 217.
• [79] Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.
• [80] S. Apalakian, “Memories and Thoughts,” Bab Oukhdi, 1941, n. 2, p. 7. 
• [81] Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun…, p. 609.
• [82] Ibid., p. 614.
• [83] Dr. Caleb Frank Gates, missionary, who for nine years (1857-1946) served as the director of Euphrates College, then, in 1903-1932, as the director of Robert College (Constantinople).
• [84] Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun…, p. 614.
• [85] Arakelian, Bab Oukhdi, p. 12.
• [86] Ibid., pp. 11-12.
• [87] Ibid., p. 13.
• [88] Aslanian, Masis, p. 119.
• [89] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 59.
• [90] Arakelian, Bab Oukhdi, p. 9.
• [91] Ibid.
• [92] Ibid., p. 11.
• [93] Vorperian, Pyuragn, p. 118. Later, the people of Malatya would call this gorge the “Gorge of Death.” It is well-known that during the years of the Genocide, Malatya was a hub of the deportations. Thousands of Armenians, many from Malatya, were taken to this gorge and killed. A. Shahan wrote a poem about Indara, which opens with the line, “Indara, gorge of death, gorge of the reaping of lives” (see Bab Oukhdi, 1936, n. 4, p. 11).
• [94] Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun…, p. 599. This tradition, in its various versions, was widespread in historic Armenia. The most popular of these legends stated that Saint Krikor Lousavorich spent the last years of his life as an ascetic in a cave in the foothills of Mount Sebouh.
• [95] Father Drtad Balian, Hay Vanorayk, p. 217.
• [96] Vorperian, Pyuragn, p. 118; Father Drtad Balian, Hay Vanorayk, p. 217.
• [97] Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun…, p. 599.
• [98] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 49.
• [99] Kevork Melidinetsi, “The Monastery,” Bab Oukhdi, 1936, n. 1, p. 12.
• [100] Garabed Nadjarian, “Memories from School Life,” Bab Oukhdi, 1935, n. 3, p. 10.
• [101] Ibid.
• [102] Ibid.
• [103] Vorperian, Pyuragn, p. 118. Also see Father Drtad Balian, Hay Vanorayk, p. 217.
• [104] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 49.
• [105] Ibid.
• [106] Vorperian, Pyuragn, p. 118.
• [107] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 60. Also see Aslanian, Masis, p. 317; and Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.
• [108] Mayr Tsoutsag Hayeren Tserakrats Masdhotsi Anvan Madenatarani [Mother List of Armenian Manuscripts at the Madenataran Named After Mashdots],volume 4, compiled by A. Keoshgerian et al., Yerevan, 2008, p. 330 (manuscript number 1253).
• [109] Father Yeprem Boghosian, “The Monasteries of Malatya,” Bab Oukhdi, 1951, n. 56, pp. 5 and 7.
• [110] Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun…, pp. 621-623.
• [111] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 63.
• [112] Hrachia Adjarian, “The Fourth Period of Mesrob Masdhots’s Preaching,” p. 7, see https://iling-spb.academia.edu/laacademiadelafluidezyelocuencia. 
• [113] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 63.
• [114] Ibid., p. 60.
• [115] Ibid.
• [116] Ibid.
• [117] Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.
• [118] A. K.[ekevian], Bab Oukhdi, 1941, n. 4 (28), p. 5.
• [119] Ibid., p. 6.
• [120] K. Melidinetsi, Bab Oukhdi, 1936, n. 1, p. 12.
• [121] Oukhdanes Yebisgobos, Hayots Badmoutyun [Bishop Oukhdanes, Armenian History], translated, introduced, and annotated by Varak Arakelian, Yerevan, Hayasdan Printing House, 2006, p. 87.
• [122] Mgrdich Vorperian also mentions a pilgrimage tabernacle in Melitene dedicated to the forty martyrs, which is evidence of a connection with these saints from antiquity who were martyred as long ago as the first century after the establishment of the Armenian Christian Church (see Pyuragn, p. 116).
• [123] Father Karekin Srvantsdyants, Toros Aghpar, p. 313.
• [124] Father Drtad Balian, Hay Vanorayk, p. 217.
• [125] Aslanian, Masis, p. 317. Also see Aslanian, Arevelyan Mamoul, p. 517.
• [126] Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.
• [127] Melidinetsi, Nakhdjirner…, p. 32.
• [128] A. K.[ekevian], Bab Oukhdi, p. 5.
• [129] Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun…, pp. 620-621.
• [130] Melidinetsi, Nakhdjirner…, p. 32.
• [131] Ibid.; also see A. K.[ekevian], Bab Oukhdi, p. 6.
• [132] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 62.
• [133] A. K.[ekevian], Bab Oukhdi, p. 5.
• [134] Ibid., p. 6.
• [135] Melidinetsi, Nakhdjirner…, p. 32.
• [136] K. Tashdjian, “Memories of the Past,” Bab Oukhdi, 1937, n. 3, p. 9.
• [137] Father Karekin Srvantsdyants, Toros Agpar, p. 314.
• [138] Ibid.
• [139] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, p. 63.
• [140] Ibid.
• [141] Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun…, p. 619.
• [142] Aslanian, Masis, p. 317.
• [143] Father Karekin Srvantsdyants, Toros Agpar, p. 314
• [144] Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun…, p. 616.
• [145] A. K.[ekevian], Bab Oukhdi, p. 6.
• [146] Ibid., p. 5.
• [147] Ibid.
• [148] Ibid.
• [149] Ibid.; Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.
• [150] A. K.[ekevian], Bab Oukhdi, p. 5.
• [151] Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.
• [152] A. K.[ekevian], Bab Oukhdi, p. 5.
• [153] Ibid.
• [154] Ibid.
• [155] Ibid.
• [156] Father Karekin Srvantsdyants, Toros Agpar, p. 314; Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.
• [157] Aslanian, Pazmaveb, p. 109.
• [158] Ibid.
• [159] Tashdjian, Bab Oukhdi, p. 9.
• [160] Benneyan, Malatyo Deghakragan…, pp. 60-62; Alboyadjian, Badmoutyun…, pp. 616-617.